Some young people resist Kremlin pressure to create a generation of Putin-supporting nationalists. The West must recognize and support them.
By Olga Prokopieva, for CEPA
“Wars are not won by generals, but by schoolteachers,” Vladimir Putin said in 2023, in a statement that has become a cornerstone of his approach to youth indoctrination.
The regime is determined to reshape young Russians’ minds by replacing critical thinking with militarized patriotism, state worship, and the glorification of sacrifice. From kindergarten to university, children are taught to assemble rifles, compete in grenade-throwing contests, and celebrate the “heroes” of the war in Ukraine.
The extraordinary, award-winning documentary Mr. Nobody Against Putin offers a chilling glimpse of the abyss toward which the Russian state pushes its youth, where militarism eclipses individuality and dissent is criminalized.
School textbooks have been rewritten to present a distorted version of history and a skewed interpretation of reality, and the school week now starts with the raising of the Russian flag, singing the national anthem, and military-style parades. Narratives glorify Russia’s past and present, while omitting or downplaying inconvenient truths.
Schools and cultural institutions have become tools of ideological control, where creativity and independent thought are suppressed in favor of conformity.
Yunarmiya, the state-sponsored youth military-patriotic movement, now claims more than 1.8 million members and says 120,000 of its alumni are serving in the Russian Armed Forces or other security organizations.
Since February 2022, the Kremlin has also been developing the Movement of the Firsts, a youth organization designed to imbue children and adolescents with the spirit of patriotism. In essence, it revives the model of the Soviet Pioneers, adapting it to modern Russia’s goals.
Despite all these efforts, many teachers and students continue to resist, and (not yet published) research shows that “secondary socialization” at university can play a crucial role in shaping the political beliefs of young people, often fostering critical thinking even in repressive environments.
Russia’s young people are not the passive recipients of state propaganda Putin would like them to be. Their resistance takes diverse forms, from low-scale non-compliance to spontaneous street concerts and acts of open defiance against the regime.
One striking example is Naoko, a street musician in St. Petersburg, whose impromptu performances drew hundreds of young Russians. Her concerts featured songs by banned artists that had been deleted from streaming platforms by the Kremlin.
She was forced into exile after repeated administrative arrests, a testament to the regime’s fear of youth-led cultural dissent.
Others, like 17-year-old Yegor Balazeykin, have taken more desperate measures. After throwing a Molotov cocktail at a military enlistment office, he was sentenced to six years in prison.
Human rights groups report that more than 350 minors have been convicted on terrorism and extremism charges. They are often accused of sabotage and attacks on Russian military infrastructure, so the state can justify long sentences.
The potential for young people to challenge the status quo is precisely why the Kremlin is seeking to control young minds in education and other settings where it can saturate them with propaganda.
Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, academic and cultural cooperation between Russian and Western institutions has collapsed, severely reducing the mobility of Russian students. Academic collaboration has been pushed instead toward Iran, BRICS nations, and China — regimes that tend to reinforce, rather than challenge, authoritarianism.
France’s Institut Français remains one of the few lifelines for independent cultural initiatives, but such exceptions are rare. The result is a generation cut off from global dialogue, increasing its vulnerability to state propaganda.
Young Russians are not a monolith. Many seek meaning, connection, and alternatives to the regime’s narrative. To nurture their resilience, the international community needs a multi-pronged strategy of cultural engagement, educational initiatives, academic mobility, and legal support.
To counter the Kremlin’s ideological monopoly, it is essential to support grassroots artists, musicians, and digital creators who foster critical thought and solidarity among young people. Independent cultural initiatives offer a powerful counter-narrative to state propaganda.
Online platforms can be used to bypass censorship, ensuring banned content reaches young audiences. Amplifying alternative voices not only preserves artistic freedom but also creates space for alternative perspectives and the expression of dissent in creative, non-confrontational ways.
Accessible online courses on media literacy, human rights, and civic engagement are also crucial to equip young Russians with the tools to question official narratives and think independently. These educational programs should be tailored to the realities they face and address topics like disinformation, digital security, and the principles of democratic participation. Most Western online courses are prohibitively expensive for Russian students. In response, a limited number of free, Russian-language programs have emerged, such as the Free Moscow University, New School of Political Science, and Smolny Beyond Borders, to provide accessible education. There are smaller scale civic education programs too, but like their larger counterparts, these programs face significant funding challenges, making external support essential.
At the same time, collaborating with universities to establish virtual exchanges, mentorship programs, and joint research projects could help maintain a connection to global academic discourse, mitigating the isolation caused by the Kremlin’s actions.
Severe restrictions on academic mobility — including visa bans and the freezing of international partnerships — have left Russian students cut off from global educational opportunities. Visa exceptions and targeted scholarships could provide a lifeline, help preserve academic freedom, and ensure Russia’s young people can remain connected to the world.
For those who dare to challenge the regime, the risks are real and often severe. Providing secure communication tools, legal assistance, and psychological support is essential to protect those facing persecution.
Documenting human rights abuses and restrictions on freedom helps expose the regime’s repression and mobilize international pressure. By shining a light on injustice, we not only support the individuals affected but also send a clear message that the world is watching, a dual approach that is critical for sustaining resistance.
The resilience of young Russians offers hope. By investing in culture, education, and mobility, we can help them resist indoctrination and envision a democratic future rather than cede the future to authoritarianism.
The goal should not be to politicize Russia’s young people, but to preserve their openness and potential for the moment when conditions allow political change. The international community must recognize Russia’s youth as a strategic priority, not a lost generation, but the foundation of a future democratic Russia.
By Olga Prokopieva, for CEPA
Olga Prokopieva is executive director of Paris-based Russie-Libertés, which works to defend human rights and raise European awareness about Russia. She is also project manager for the Platform of Civic, Anti-War and Humanitarian Initiatives, which is focused on opposing the war in Ukraine and advocating for democracy in Russia.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
