Context

For the Kremlin, propaganda has become an integral part of information warfare. Throughout the past decade the Russian propaganda machine has been structured and effectively implemented, reaching a climax during the occupation of Crimea and the subsequent devastating war in Eastern Ukraine.

The Kremlin’s support for right-wing parties is no game. It’s trying to subvert the European idea, Alina Polyakova wrote for Foreign Policy.

Armchair intelligence analysts are debunking propaganda and uncovering war crimes without ever leaving home, Bryan Schatz wrote for Mother Jones. It was late 2014.

This report, MH17: Potential Suspects and Witnesses from the 53rd Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade, presents information regarding the Russian brigade that we believe provided, and possibly operated, the Buk-M1 missile launcher that downed Malaysian Airlines Flight 17.

On 21 February Polish channel TVN24 broadcasted the scandalous film “Ukraine. Masks of the Revolution” by Paul Moreira.

A Russian district court has sentenced Ekaterina Vologzheninova, a single mother from Yekaterinburg, to 320 hours of labor for reposting materials critical of Russian aggression in Ukraine on social media.

The EU has broken its taboo on referring to Russian forces in east Ukraine in its official documents, Andrew Rettman writes for EUobserver.

The Kremlin wants Britain to leave the EU. That, at least, is the impression given by the coverage of the so-called "Brexit" debate by the RT television channel and the Sputnik news wire, both of which are funded by the Russian government.

There’s more to Moldova's protests than “pro-European” versus “pro-Russian”, Mihai Popșoi wrote for Open Democracy. Moldova’s image as the poorest country in Europe is rivaled only by its obscurity.

Russian censors have finally decided to block the website of RosKomSvoboda, a Russian Internet freedom and human rights organization, by adding it to the Russian government's registry of banned online resources.